He’ll teach in New York, lecture around the world, and publish more books to foster ‘a new generation of Jewish leadership’
Rabbi Jonathan Sacks. (Blake Ezra)
By most accounts, Jonathan Sacks was having a very successful run as chief rabbi of the United Kingdom. He’d published dozens of well-received books on Judaism and its place in the modern world. He had a popular columnin the Times of London, and was a frequent face on the BBC, where he would do a yearly Rosh Hashanah special on faith with such guests as atheist ideologue Richard Dawkins and author Howard Jacobson. The most visible voice of religion in Britain’s public square, he’d been called an “intellectual giant” by Tony Blair, who cited his work while teaching at Yale, and “a light unto this nation” by Prince Charles. And yet, this past August, Sacks stepped down as chief rabbi.
What exactly did he hope to accomplish now that he couldn’t or didn’t achieve as chief rabbi? I put this question to Sacks recently, at the Union League Club in New York. He answered simply: “to go global.” A few decades ago, the influence of a public intellectual or spiritual leader was significantly limited by both the impositions of geography and the speed of communications. But with the advent of the Internet, mass social media, and affordable and efficient international travel, this is no longer the case. And so Sacks intends to greatly expand his global profile.
He’s embarking on a lecture tour through the United States, Canada, South America, and Israel—“major Jewries where I really haven’t spent enough time.” In an effort to reach out specifically to young Jews, he’ll be partnering with Hillel Houses and teaching at both Yeshiva University and New York University, “to do what I can to encourage a new generation of Jewish leadership.” (So that no one misses the point, all 54 of Sacks’s online weekly divrei Torah this year will be about leadership.) And of course, he’ll be publishing more books. “I’ve written 25 books,” he said, “but I’ve had a list that I’ve carried around with me for many years, and I have more than 25 still to write.” What’s on the list? A systematic account of Jewish ethics; a new commentary on the Torah; a comprehensive Orthodox response to modern biblical criticism; and a multivolume record of Sacks’ personal philosophy of Judaism. “These are not books I write because I want to write books; they’re books I write because I want to read them,” he added.
But there was no way for Sacks to minister to the world while also guiding Anglo Jewry at home, which is why the 65-year-old father of three resigned his position after 22 years as chief rabbi. “You leave a career move like that too late and you can’t do it,” he said. “So, I had to leave the earliest moment that I could leave without being seen to be failing to fulfill my duty to British Jewry.” Sacks hopes to create “a role for which there is no position”—to be a sort of roving Jewish intellectual without formal portfolio.
The promise of Sacks’ ambitious agenda, coupled with his prodigious communication skills, is obvious. “In America, since Reinhold Niebuhr and maybe [Paul] Tillich, how many Christian theologians have really had an audience in the mass media? How many Jews?” asked Shalom Carmy, assistant professor of Jewish philosophy and Bible at Yeshiva University. “Here we have somebody who might actually break through to those mass intellectual journals which currently are closed to any kind of serious intellectual religious message.”
But can Sacks really speak for the notoriously fractious and fragmented Jewish world? Can an Orthodox rabbi foster a new generation of Jewish leaders, even if they do not share his beliefs? And can anyone overcome the deep divides within American Jewry surrounding the state of Israel and its policies? At the outset of Sacks’ second career, these are the questions he will have to answer.
Sacks didn’t originally intend to be a rabbi, let alone chief rabbi. Raised in a traditional Jewish home by parents with little formal Jewish education, he studied philosophy at Cambridge and went on to do graduate work at Oxford and King’s College London. But along the way, under the influence of several rabbinic mentors, he switched careers and made his way to Jews’ College (now known as the London School of Jewish Studies). He was ordained there, and—after 12 years as a pulpit rabbi in London—became the school’s leader, before being appointed chief rabbi in 1991.
As comfortable at the synagogue lectern as he is at the university podium, Sacks has continued to straddle both the academic and rabbinic realms, explaining each to the other. He has brought Jewish tradition to bear on contemporary concerns, from the market economy to globalization, and applied the insights of secular disciplines like political philosophy and neuroscience to religion. His background in academia is evident in his approach to Judaism, which prizes questions, conflicting voices, and debate, even as he balances this commitment with his own Orthodoxy. But if Sacks is to assume a global role, it will put his dedication to open discourse to the test in many ways, beginning with world Jewry’s most contentious debate: Israel.
I asked Sacks two questions currently preoccupying some American Jews: Should the Jewish community have red lines when discussing the Jewish state? And how should major Jewish organizations and campus Hillel Houses react to a rising generation of younger Jews who are more critical of Israel and its policies? Sacks’s response walked a characteristically fine line. “I think the greatness of Judaism is that it always included many voices. You’ve got Hillel and Shammai, you’ve got Abbaye and Rava—the argument for the sake of heaven is our greatest strength,” he said. “So, I think we have to have the strength of nerve and the faith in young Jews to empower them to say what they feel and say what they believe, and listen to those who disagree with them, and make every one of those voices part of the conversation.” (Indeed, Sacks himself has been critical of Israel’s chief rabbinate, whose coercive religious power he sees as an inappropriate and counterproductive.)
But then came a caveat that reveals the tension between Sacks’ commitment to openness and his commitment to Orthodoxy—in this case, of the political kind: “I think there are voices that are not part of that conversation,” he said, “and those are the anti-Zionist voices, the ones who deny Israel’s right to be, and I think those are voices that cannot be part of the conversation because they deny the premise of the conversation.”
Sacks has long faced a similar challenge in dealing with non-Orthodox Jewry. On the one hand, his personal philosophy venerates argument, divergent perspectives, and the value of diversity, to the extent that he has written at length about the spiritual integrity of non-Jewish religions. On the other, Sacks’ Orthodox orientation necessitated him keeping non-Orthodox denominations at arm’s length during his tenure as chief rabbi. As one critic put it, “what Sacks approves in the world at large is something that he cannot endorse within Judaism.”
“In his heart, he’s broadminded,” said Rabbi Jeremy Gordon, who heads the Conservative New London Synagogue. “But time and again, when there was a choice of either reaching toward non-Orthodoxy or even the left-reaches of Orthodoxy, he didn’t.” Faced with the difficult task of balancing the preferences and politics of Anglo-Jewry, in particular its substantial ultra-Orthodox community, Sacks charted a more conservative course. He declined to attend the funeral of Reform Rabbi Hugo Gryn, to the chagrin of liberal Jews, but then spoke at a memorial service for him, angering some Haredi constituents. Similarly, Sacks never participated in Limmud, the U.K.’s annual pluralistic educational gathering, yet allowed his rabbis to do so.
For non-Orthodoxy and Gordon, the “big question” is whether Sacks will act differently now that he has been freed from the institutional pressures of his prior position. “What I’m sure will happen is that he will raise issues which are contentious, and I’m equally sure that the further right edges of Orthodoxy will challenge those edges, and what happens at that point is going to be incredibly interesting,” Gordon said.
By ALAN ROSENBAUM
“We are a government agency with a start-up soul,” says Hagai Dror, managing director of HealthCare Israel, one of the three winners of the 2019 InnoDip Award for innovative diplomacy. The award, established by the Abba Eban Institute for International Diplomacy at the IDC Herzliya, will be presented at the Jerusalem Post Diplomatic Conference on Thursday, November 21 in Jerusalem.
Healthcare Israel was created by Israel’s Ministry of Health in 2016 to deliver life-saving and cost-saving healthcare innovation, technology and expertise to the world, and promotes cooperation and Israeli health system exports through collaborations between government, the health system and the healthcare industry. It has leveraged Israel’s existing diplomatic ecosystem to reach out and create new kinds of international cooperation projects and business deals specifically in the healthcare space.
By YAAKOV KATZ
U.S. Ambassador Friedman to ‘Post’: New policy advances the cause of Israeli-Palestinian peace • PM: Policy rights a historical wrong
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“After carefully studying all sides of the legal debate, this administration agrees with president Reagan,” Pompeo said in reference to Ronald Reagan’s position that settlements were not inherently illegal. “The establishment of Israeli civilian settlements in the West Bank is not per se inconsistent with international law.”
Leftist students verbally abused and ransacked tables belong to conservative students
Binghamton University’s downtown campus in New York.
A New York State assemblyman has slammed Binghamton University for the way it has handled a group of leftist students who verbally abused and ransacked tables belonging to the campus College Republicans group.
The conservative students were handing out flyers for an upcoming talk by well-known economist Dr. Arthur Laffer when the incident occurred on Thursday.
A view of the Yehudit Bridge and the Ayalon highway in Tel Aviv, Feb. 17, 2019. Photo
CTech – Tel Aviv will officially launch its free weekend transportation service this Friday, the city announced Tuesday. In collaboration with neighboring towns Givatayim, Ramat Hasharon, and Kiryat Ono, Tel Aviv will operate six routes covering over 300 kilometers. Minivans will pick up and drop off passengers at over 500 stops across the metropolitan area at a frequency of once every 30 minutes between 6 pm on Friday and 2 am on Saturday, and between 9 am and 5 pm on Saturday.
Tel Aviv has long awaited a solution for transportation during Shabbat and other Jewish holidays. The principle of the “status quo”—a guideline which dictates maintaining the common practice when it comes to the fundamentals of Jewish Orthodoxy, especially Shabbat observance—effectively prevents the state from offering public transportation services on Shabbat, but since Tel Aviv’s service is free, it does not currently fall under the legal definition of public transportation.
A police car in the German capital of
An elderly man has been viciously beaten up in broad daylight on a Berlin street by a youth who showered him with antisemitic abuse.
According to the BZ online news outlet, the 76-year-old pensioner was walking along the Berliner Strasse in the Pankow district of the German capital at 9 a.m. on Monday when his passage was blocked by a 16-year-old youth and four of his friends.
Oct 25, 2019 0People arrive at a polling station to vote in the federal election in Beauce, Quebec, Canada, Oct. 21, 2019. Photo: Reuters / Mathieu Belanger. A top Jewish advocacy group said on Friday it...
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